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Meet the actual nature of MKO

Massoud Rajavi

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Massoud Rajavi

NameMassoud Rajavi
Father’s NameHossein
Mother’s NameRazieh Jalalian
Date of Birth1327/04/16
BirthplaceTabas, Iran
EducationBachelor of Islamic Studies at University of Tehran
BrothersKazem, Saleh, Hooshang
SistersMonireh
WifesAshraf Rabei, Firoozeh Banisadr, Maryam Qajar Azadanlu (Maryam Rajavi)
ChildrenMostafa
ResponsibilitiesLeader of MKO

Biography

Massoud Rajavi was born in Tabas in 1948. His father, Hussein Rajavi, was a record-keeping and estate registrar in Mashhad. At the last year of high school, he entered the confronting with Baha’i Association (Hojjatieh association). Then in 1966, he was awarded a political degree at the Faculty of Law and Political Science and graduated in June 1971. At 1967, at the age of 19, he was introduced to the organization by Hussein Ahmadi Rohani, who previously attended the meetings of the Hojjatieh Society, and after being under the supervision of Bahman Bazargan, he was entrusted with Mohammad Hanifnejad to work in the ideology group, and then in the political and advertising section. He traveled to Jordan as an interpreter of the expedition to Fatah, and returned to the second quarter of the cadre after returning on April of 1971. He mentioned the date of his arrest was on the afternoon of 1971/08/26, but in his detention center ID, his detention was announced on 1971/07/23, about a month before the arrest of others. This document was first published in Iran in 1980, and then in the year 2001 by the organization itself in the Mojahed magazine, that published outside1 .

Masoud Rajavi SAVAK Source

According to the documents remaining from his interrogations, he has provided SAVAK with detailed information about the cadres and members of the arrested and detained, along with the crocoli of their place of residence, and, following this cooperation, Armed Forces Nematollah Nasiri, Referring to the Army’s Hearing, Massoud Rajavi from SAVAK’s “Associates” announced that “in the course of the investigation, he fully cooperated with the introduction of the members of the organization, and provided the information he provided in order to clarify the network’s status effectively. “Nassiri added in the letter, which dates back to January 19/1/1351, that Massoud after completing the investigation worked closely with the agents inside the detention facility, so he deserves a concession and a reduction in punishment in SAVAK view”
This issue was also published in the press at that time. The Kayhan newspaper reported on the execution of four members of the organization and remission of Massoud Rajavi: “Because during the pursuit, he collaborated with the members of the MKO, and collaborated inside the prison to fully explore the network with the authorities, by the order of Shah, his death sentence with a degree of forgiveness changed to life imprisonment with peonage. 2
He mentioned that his abolition of execution was because of the international pressure and the acts of his brother (Kazem Rajavi) that is restated in official books and journals of the organization too. Bahman Bazargani, referring to the reflection of the news of Rajavi’s cooperation with SAVAK in prison and the reaction of the organization in prison, said: “… There were various issues in the Qasr prison. Lower guys such as Reza Bakeri, Mahdi Khosroshahi, Musa Khiabani, Abbas Davari and Fathollah Khaeneher made a center in prison and left Masoud Rajavi alone. Masoud Rajavi had made a suicide attempt- whatever was not serious and generally there weren’t any effective means for that task. On the whole, because of all issues, guys put Rajavi aside from the center of the prison. The thing was odd to me was why he took it so hard on himself.” Rajavi got released from prison in 20th of January, 1979 along with several other prisoners. 3

Massoud-Radjavi_savak-document_1

Kazem Rajavi, a human rights activist or a SAVAK agent?

After the collapse of the Pahlavi regime, other important documents were obtained, which was originally missing from the documents contained in Rajavi’s case. This document indicates that Kazem Rajavi has been the agent of SAVAK since the year 1971 under the nickname Mirza. 4
Some of the documents related to the interrogation of Massoud Rajavi were also issued by opponents of the organization late in the winter of the 1979, on the eve of the parliamentary election, indicating his weakness during the interrogation. In response to this move, the organization has also responded in the additional publications, but the same documents issued by the organization also indicate Rajavi’s weakness in interrogation.
Abbas Davari, from the main and close cadres of Rajavi, who was in prison with Rajavi and knows his important issues, said to a member of his council in 1981: “This guy, {{Massoud Rajavi}}, who today tell nonsense, is insidious, did not even suffer a whip in the prison, so much that he liked the ascetic manner and did not eat, and got yellow face. Every time SAVAK came to him, he fainted and fell unconscious, and wherever he felt the force, he would draw the address of Hanifnejad and others on paper and put it on the hands of SAVAK that they leave him alone. 5
The documents relating to the date of the arrest of Massoud Rajavi, his confessions in interrogations, the documents related to Kazem Rajavi and his influence among various groups of the regime, letters of correspondence between the head of the SAVAK and the Armed Forces and other documents available, show the essence of how Massoud Rajavi (stayed alive) and they have clear insightful explanations.

The nature of Rajavi's defense in court

Comparing the defenses of other cadre of the organization, who at the same time as Rajavi participated in the trial and who were condemned to death and eventually executed, could be effective in expressing his true nature with what Rajavi expressed in court. All those who were reminded of these were following their defenses with:

  1. Everyone has repeatedly revealed the verses of the Qur’an and, in one case, has begun all his words with the verse of the Qur’an (Muhammad Bazargan begins with the phrase “Bertolt Brecht”);
  2. They attacked the United States, Israel and the Shah’s regime (as a puppet regime);
  3. relied on the exploitation of deprived classes and wasting people’s wealth
  4. All have a pro-Marxist and Marxist position.

However, Rajavi begins his speech without “in the name of God”. Not at the beginning, not in the end, nor in any part of its long defense text, there is no reference to the Qur’an and Nahjolbalaghe and religious and Islamic texts. While all the people have spoken openly about the Shah’s regime and his dependence on the United States, Rajavi did not directly address or condemn the Shah’s monarchy; and nowhere is his defense he addressed to an armed struggle.6

Massoud-Radjavi_lawyer_1

Rajavi and Ayatollah Taleghani in jail

From the manifestation of Machiavellian behavior of Rajavi, one can point out how his dichotomy with Ayatullah Taleghani in prison and outside the prison. Mohammadi Gorgani, who was one of the responsible cadres in the prison and detached from the organization during the year 1975, said:

“… In the prison, the work had reached a point where people like Rajavi did not allow Taleghani to comment on the Qur’an. They said:” He accepts private property; he has petty-bourgeois tendencies.”

Haj Mehdi Araghi, Mr. Hashem Amani, and Mr. Anvari after eight or nine years in prison, Massoud treated them as if they were unclean. “7

Rajavi's opportunism

Meysami, who was long time in the organization, said about Rajavi’s political opportunism and his attempt to simultaneously benefit from the support of Western and Eastern governments:

“After release from prison, Rajavi (in January 57) had a formula that needed to be satisfied with the East and the West so he could rule. On the one hand, he secretly called on the Soviet Union to convince the Soviets that instead of the Tudeh Party He relied on him and pretended to be the largest organization. On the other hand, in his wedding ceremony with Ashraf Rabiei, who was public, he invited all Western-winged factions and talked with them for hours.”8

Parviz Yaghoubi, following his separation from the organization in the winter of 1985, criticized Rajavi and his organization; he claims the existence of elements of “opportunism”, “individualism”, “self-orientation” and “hegemonism” led to zigzag movements of Rajavi:
” opportunist leadership, after not reaching the desired results from the proximity to the reactionary and socialist sectors of the petty-bourgeoisie of the West and the repeated messages to the regime … of landing weapons in exchange for free elections, as opposed to strategic lines, the revolutionary diplomacy from its inception, the organization has embraced the American imperialism and attracted the support of the United States.
… In the year 1975, when we were beaten and many of the members got Marxists, Rajavi urged a hard copy to solve the problem due to pride and lack of admission to deficiencies rather than the deep rooting of the blow. If Rajavi honestly acknowledged the deficiencies and helped the religious forces of the prison, he would have found both spiritual power and inclusiveness. He does not pay attention to this issue and wants to be in a hurry; consequently, he rides on the devil’s horse went into the trap of imperialism, and got the murderer of infant and murderous children and old men and women, and eventually sold the blood of the martyrs to Saddam … The fruit of this intellectual self-orientation and individual hegemony are nothing but a thirst for taking the throne; in any case and for any reason … This terrible thirst led the organization, instead of a systematic approach to movements, degenerate pragmatism that the result is the reliance on imperialist authorities to stabilize the organization’s alternative, and to rejoice in the support of good-natured devils Imperial human rights.9

Marrying Ashraf Rabiei

Ashraf Rabiei was born in Tehran in 1952. Her brother Javad Rabiei after the hit of August of 1971 went to hide and in winter of 1973 got killed in an accident in Isfahan. After high school Ashraf went to industrial university and in summer of 1973 that Khalil Tabatabaei got arrested and got killed under torture, Ashraf also got arrested and released after a while. She got familiar with Ali Akbar Nabavi Noori in the same year and joined the organization again. At the end of that year both of them got arrested and released after some month later.
The two communicated with the organization on June 1974, but from the very beginning they noticed ideological changes. Nabavi Noori, who had been struggling with the intense Islamic motive and attitude, could not tolerate this situation. The result of the encounter, was getting the facilities and dismissing him from the team house.
In May 1976, when she was preparing a bomb, Ashraf Rabiei as a result of the explosion was wounded and arrested and was sentenced to life imprisonment after being treated in the hospital. His wife, Ali Akbar Nabavi Noori, was killed in Tehran during a suspicious clash. During her prison time, Ashraf Rabiei took charge of justifying the female prisoners to Rajavi and the prison authorities after a mysterious visit to Massoud Rajavi in Evin Prison.
After the victory of the revolution, in July 1978, Massoud Rajavi married to Ashraf Rabiei. During the first round of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, Ashraf Rabiei was among the candidates for the organization, whose introduction and biography was published in a separate publication10 . During the February 8th 1982 strike to the central home of the organization, Ashraf Rabiei was also among the 17 people killed during a cross-shot shooting. she had a one-year-old son, who was named Mostafa, and about a year after the strike, elements of the organization took him form the country to Rajavi in France.

Marrying Firuze Banisadr

The marriage of Massoud Rajavi, who had lost his wife Ashraf Rabiei, with Firuze, the 18-year-old daughter of Abul Hassan Bani Sadr.His marriage was a political, tactical and promotional maneuvers. In the early stages of Rajavi’s presence abroad, he was in dire need of support from Bani Sadr, who was among the French officials. Bani-Sadr also chose Rajavi to be the prime minister in “the National Council of Resistance”, and he called himself the president. For those who were familiar with the mood and the ideology of these two, it became clear from the very beginning that such “unity, and, consequently, tactical marriage and with the expiry date, this marriage would not be sustained.” Past experience points out this fact that Rajavi would be “united” with others in any process that he faced a dead end, and would call “allies” only for certain political goals and “solving themselves,” and he wanted them just as a “means” to achieve his goals.
A former staff member of the Revolutionary Council’s office in the first years after the victory of the Islamic Revolution, in a book that contains a series of interviews of candidates for the first presidential term in Iran, added that it seems that Bani-Sadr was opposed to this marriage but, on the insistence of his wife and daughter, he has given Firuzeh to Rajavi, and then adds: “Since marriage in ideology of Rajavi does not have a sacred meaning and its stability depends on political matters, not emotional and human factors, unfortunately, the fate of that girl faced the political games and power gaining of Rajavi and resulted in separation in a short time and Maryam Ghajar Azadanloo took her place. “ 11

Taking Part in Elections

1

  • Election of Constitution Scholars

Many groups have made a coalition to consolidate and increase their success rate. The Mojahedin Khalq with its motivation and enthusiasm, in July 1979, nominated its candidates in a coalition with the revolutionary movement of the Muslim people of Iran (JAMA), the movement of Muslim fighters and the movement for freedom. But the result of the election was the people’s trust on the religious spectrum and followers of Imam Khomeini’s ideology and the victory of this spectrum in the election, and only four of the common candidates won the election. Interestingly, the name of Massoud Rajavi was among the candidates, but he did not vote although he was the full representative of the Mojahedin in this election. This defeat of the liberal left led to negative comments and advertisements about the elections held after the election. The Mojahedin organization has also begun to take a stand and create disorder following this situation. In spite of the active participation in the election of constitution scholars and the high level of propaganda in favor of its candidates, the organization got opposite a day after the starting of the assembly of elites and accused members of the assembly of being appointed. They did not attend and condemn the referendum on the constitution held on December 3, 1979, approved by 99.5 percent of the votes.

2

  • First Presidential Election

As previously mentioned, the Mojahedin did not attend the referendum on the constitution and did not accept the constitution of the Assembly of Elites. However, during the first presidential election, they introduced their candidates. They initially chose Ayatullah Taleghani and then Imam khomeini as their candidate, which was not agreed upon, after which Massoud Rajavi was nominated as the presidential candidate. In the face of the fresh move of the Mojahedin, the question was raised: “Is it possible to introduce a candidate for presidential election, that he didn’t take part in referendum on the constitution?” The Mojahedin’s argument meant that wherever the political situation and atmosphere were not in line with their ideological mechanisms they will use it to advance their intentions. They questioned the legitimacy in terms of sovereignty and lack of dependence on imperialism, while acknowledging the popularity of the system and claiming that they were subservient to the people. In sum, nothing else satisfied them unless the full acquisition of political power within the framework of the Islamic Republic and the overthrow of the existing system and the replacement of the ruling model of the organization and its leaders. When the Mojahedin’s anti-regime position stand beside their presence in the presidential election, individuals and groups raised their voices of protest. Eventually, the Imam, with a clear verdict, forbid nomination of those who did not participate in the referendum on the constitution. Accordingly, Massoud Rajavi’s name was removed from the list of presidential candidates.

3

  • Election of Representatives of the First Parliament

In the first parliamentary elections, the Mojahedin also announced a list of candidates in various cities in spite of widespread campaigning against the legitimacy of the election and criticizing its two phases, they announced their list of candidates in different cities and started a vast propaganda for them. Many of the candidates of the list of organization did not gain votes in the first round, but the organization focused its efforts on the second phase, but this time the election results made them fail to reach the seats of the parliament. The organization was hit hard by the 1979 parliamentary elections. Because Massoud Rajavi, who was nominated as the highest member of the organization to represent Tehran in the parliament, became the twelfth, while only 10 of candidates of Tehran could have entered the parliament. The organization did not succeed in gaining any political power in spite of many claims about the company of supporters and the widespread propaganda in the three elections held by the newly established Islamic Republic, and in order to justify this failure, it launched a series of destructive analyzes and Political games and disorder in the country.
An organization that know itself emerged from the masses, in confronting this lack of acceptance and unacceptability by the masses, did not tolerate, and it seemed that this selfish sense of the officials of the organization was transferred to other lower members, and each day brought them more into their isolation. This isolation has led the organization to carry out destructive measures against not the newly established Islamic Republic of Iran, but against the people and the security of the people.

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Rajavi from the Former Ally Memory

Mehdi Khanbaba Tehrani is a former member of the Tudeh Party and the Confederation, and of its activists and founders, who have a lot of experience in dealing with organizational and party processes, and at the beginning of the formation of the National Council of Resistance he was in it with his friends, he analyzes the character of Rajavi in this way:
“… In June 1981, according to documents issued by the Mojahedin, this person was Rajavi, who decided to launch an armed attack against the Islamic Republic of Iran, and good and bad military strategy would come to him. In fact, this is the word of Massoud Rajavi who is the last word of the organization … He is a smart and talented person, but this talent and capacities not match with revolutionary capacity to the magnitude and complexity of the revolution and the Iranian society. He is too momentous … and from his other basic weaknesses, according to his unique position in the Mojahedin organization, he has induced to himself that he has known all sciences and knowledge together and he is the undisputed leader of the Society and Savior of Iran. 12

Prayer with Rajavi's photo!

Majid Bazgooneh and Minoo Mohammadizadeh define this way:
“… (Robobi) advised children to put Rajavi photos in each room, and also at the same meeting (weekly meeting in Quetta, Pakistan in the winter of 1987), he mentioned that if the Mojahedin say their prayer in a room without the leadership photo, their prayers are unaccepted. 13

Transition to the Sect

  • Centralism and Democracy

The PMOI, at the time of the establishment and expansion of an organization based on the Marxist-adapted model, was run as a “democratic centralism” or centered centralism by the votes of majority, and, as the post-revolutionary organization emphasized, the leaders was chosen precisely based on real qualifications, and this, of course, was cited by Mao. 14
Some believe that between the years of 1972 and 1979 the same centralism was dominant in the organization; however, between the years of 1966-72, when the first founders and cadres was dominated, the organization’s democratic and councils were prior, and between 72-79 individualism and dictatorship Was prior.
The period from 1979 to 1980 was the period of transition, and in the period of 1980-85, Rajavi’s individualism was dominant in the MEK. In the year 1985, “sectarianism” appeared as a clear and obvious phenomenon.

  • The beginning of centralism

In the spring of 1973, the three leaders and the central cadre of the organization were executed. Eventually, inside and outside the prison, in the end, despite the presence of some other cadres, two members of the organization, Massoud Rajavi and Musa Khiabani, gradually and after some time, promoted their level inside the prison. Despite the fact that there were some dissent and problems among the members, these two were able to gather a group of members by pressure and occasionally plotting, claiming to be the heirs of the organization. They established a new organization by deflecting the people inside the prison, and eliminated the opponents. This centrality was the same which since 1979 entitled as “MKO“. Although this gathering includes Massoud Rajavi, Musa Khiabani, Ali Zarkesh, Mehdi Abrishamchi, Mahmoud Ahmadi, Mehdi Khodaee Sefat, Mahmood Ataei, Mohammad Reza Saadati and …, in fact the rules were given by the first two persons (Musa and Massoud). People such as Lotfollah Meysami, who believed that they were following the path of Hanifnejad, were put aside at this point. People like Mohammad Mohammadi Gorgani, who were the experienced members of the group, were boycotted for some objections.15

  • Transition period

After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, centralism was still the basic principle of the MEK. But from February 1979 to January 1980 (the time of the presidential election and the organization’s activities in announcing the Rajavi nomination), gradually, “individualism” was overtaken and seriously developed in the organization. Since January 1980, “Individualism” has been clearly started, and Massoud Rajavi was considered as No. 1 and Musa Khiabani as No. 2. There are several factors that led to Rajavi’s individual domination on the MEK:

  1. Among the remaining members of the organization, except Mehdi Abishamchi and Khiabani, before the September of 1971 attack, there was no other person who had a history of connection with the centrality of the first period; the two were also non-dominant in comparison with Rajavi. Abrishamchi had a good power of speech, but lacked the ability to be as a master, Khiabani wasn’t attractive and didn’t have enough penetration among members due to his predatory and prodigal character.
  2. Individual specialization, made Massoud Rajavi succeeded in achieving superior organization position, most notably:
  • Being smart and political behaving with other members.
  • Possess high emotional and sentimental gestures.
  • Having the power to create his own sanctity, as the only survivor of the past center.
  • Possess the flexibility to restrain forces by using incentive and punitive levers, especially boycotting dissenting members and promoting subordinates who are obedient.
  • High skill in using fallacy and misleading to justify crisis within the organization.
  • The ability to use timely policies of pragmatism and subjectivity to engage the members of the organization.

Massoud Jabani, a separated member of the organization, writes:

“In the Mojahedin Organization, most of the principles and rules are on paper and practically non-existent, such as the principle of council and the principles of democratic centralism, and the principle of low to up criticism, and … Mr. Massoud Rajavi, on the pretext of the coups against that may happen to him and the organization, in order to vaccinate the organization and in an anti-coup situation, make it theorized that the foundation and nature of the coup was to build submissive cadres through the brainwashing process. 16

Jabani also wrote:

“Essentially, to be like organization means in organizational obedience, and the organization was summed up in Mrs. and Mr. Rajavi. Therefore, Mrs. Maryam Rajavi said: “Leadership is the brain and forces are hands and feet” … since the person enters into the professional relationships of the organization … Organizational Behavior takes the form of a machine Which is planned for him … The process of this brainwashing draws from the demand of the people and the debt owed by the organization. The leader who answers all the questions and has full coverage of the whole world and related issues.”17

Here is where the work goes that “Betraying to Massoud” becomes an indescribable sin, because, as he says, “God is in the heavens and Massoud seats on the field.”18 In the case of the first predictions about the transformation of the “organization” into the “sect“, many people like “Reza Raeesi (the head of Tusi)19 , Hamid Noohi, Hossein Rafiei, Founding Board of Muslim-European Students Association”, the authors of the Separation process, refer to this issue. In comparing them with the MEK relations with what has been established in sects such as Ismailia and Mafia, they draw conclusions about the organization’s future, one of which is to transform it to the “cult“. In this analysis, they state that:

“In the victory of a Western-oriented political trend, capitalists and the United States will have either a shareholder, or a stake in power, or to avoid becoming isolated from this trend, they will endorse that line. But in the event of the failure of the liberal movement and the loss of political power, and especially if it is invaded and violated, all the doors are closed to them, they would become a sectarian, unwillingly, for reasons of separation and isolation from the masses. Which has seen so many examples in history. “20

As previously mentioned, some of the theorists considered the “sectarian history” of the organization to be older. Khosro Tehrani, for example, believes that the MKO has become a sect since 1980, and he also has several implications for confirming this perception.
Also Rastgoo wrote:

“After the death of Musa Khiabani in February 1982 … Massoud Rajavi’s leadership was confirmed for the MEK. Since then, Massoud Rajavi has been working quickly, and within three years turned the organization from a political / religious organization to a pseudo religious-mafia cult … Massoud Rajavi sat in the position of God, and all members were obliged to officially and publicly declare their loyalty to the new God. “21
Maryam Ghajar has repeatedly referred to the “Rajavism” or “Massoudism” in his speeches publicly. According to Mehdi Khoshhal, a former member of the MEK: “Rajavi represents himself as the sole representative of God’s right on earth, and introduces his organization as the tip of the evolution. … in political arena he thinks he is equal to Iran, and he thinks Iran is nothing without him. “22

Ideological Revolution

In the course of further intra-group disagreements and the expansion of divisions in the organization, the leadership of the organization in the late 1985 ” For its non-principled consolidation and the escape of accountability … under the title of Concluding … has undergone a fundamental revision of the principles and Organizational criteria and ideological criteria, called the so-called “massive ideological development” and “deep inner transformation and qualitatively and evolutionary development ” and … “
In late 1985, Rajavi predicted that the main cadres of the group would sooner or later come to this gathering that his actions, tactics and policies had failed and had serious damage to the body of the organization. The leadership of the organization has realized that failure to achieve strategic goals will raise doubts about the policy and the correctness of the lead tactics and will provide an introduction to the political crisis, and the growth of internal conflicts. Hence, in order to escape the crisis, he attempted to change the nature of the organization and organizational relations, and tried to overcome the impending deadlock under the title of “New Ideological Revolution”, with “leadership”.23

  • The Odd Marriage of Maryam with Massoud

On March 10, 1985 the unexpected and extraordinary marriage of the first person of the organization, Massoud Rajavi, with the wife of the second person of the organization, Abrishamchi, attracted much attention to the incident. However, the surprise and dismay of this strange and unprecedented affair created emotional and human aspects of the creation of a separation between a couple with a three-year-old son and the authoritarian takeover of a friend’s and a partner’s wife. In the “crisis on policy” booklet, announcing the matter was as follows:
It was announced that Massoud Rajavi, the leader of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran who had previously divorced his second wife, Abolhassan Banisadr’s daughter, married Maryam Ghajar Azadanlou, the wife of Mehdi Abrishamchi, who is a member of the Organization and responsible for foreign affairs. Rajavi and Abrishamchi described the act as “the new ideological revolution of the Mujahedin” at the wedding ceremony in Paris. … Abrishamchi, divorced his wife without any emotions, that he also had a child from her and said a sentence that its content was as follows: the sin of being opposed to Massoud’s will, is bigger than to be opposed of God’s will. 24
Of course, the dissention between Maryam and Abrishamchi was about the affairs with Rajavi that had background, since in the fall of 1985, it was also argued that some of the members of the organization in the fall of that year, accused Massoud Rajavi and Maryam Azadanlou of Sexual intercourse. At a central meeting, Rajavi and Maryam got seated on the seat of accused, and Abishamchi as a complainant, Mohammad Hayati as prosecutor and Jaberzadeh Ansari as judge were present. Abrishamchy explicitly says: “our wives have not security! You are better to think about your daughters from now; what will happen to your women.” And these allegations are admitted by Maryam and Massoud without interruption; that they have had sexual intercourse with each other. Rajavi’s supporters in the Central Committee are thrilled at the court, which leader has the authority to take any action and so on! 25

  • The main purpose of the ideological revolution

The main purpose of this controversial program, known as the “ideological revolution“, was not only to consolidate, but to promote Rajavi as the leader like a prophet, with exceptional features, at the head of the organization.
Shortly after the start of the story, the definitions and praises of Rajavi began with titles such as “leader“, “right” and “teacher” and continued with words like “Imam al-Hadi” and “Nateq Belhaq“.
Yervand Abrahamyan wrote about the process of strange accolades from the new leadership after the ideological revolution:
In the weeks and months after the ideological revolution, letters, speeches, poems and hymns were published in the praise of Massoud Rajavi in Mojahed magazine, including Mehdi Abrishamchi in a four-hour speech … argued that” Massoud has spoken on behalf of all the Mojahedin, dead and alive. “He described him asthe great mastermind leader “and explicitly stated that, unlike the others who are responsible for each other and depend on him, Massoud Rajavi has no responsibility and only relies on himself!!
Hossein Abrishamchi, the younger brother of Mehdi and the deputy director of the Tehran Military Division, said he had dreamed that one of the relatives showed a new identity card, the birth date of which was identical with the date of the ideological revolution! 26

Sectarian Encounter with Family and Marriage

The organization was first involved with the issue of marriage and had a sectarian encounter with its families. Prior to the start of the “military phase” in June of the 1981, unhealthy organizational relations existed on marriage and family affairs. This became more intense after going to Iraq. According to Sobhani:
The family relationship between husband and wife and children was not existed only in content, but it also didn’t exist in the form of conventional forms in the MEK.” They identified the existence of the family within the organization, the point of separation of the organizational relations of the members with the organization. 27
The beginning of the ideological revolution was an introduction to the organization to solve this problem once and for all. After the failure of the organization in Operation “Forough Javidan” and the question of the strategy and, as a result, questioning the leadership, Massoud Rajavi ordered the divorce of all members of the organization and banned the right to marry and sexual relations and even to think about sexual matters for all men and women of the organization. Of course, many of these women married to him in a ceremony as a “celebration of liberation“.

Separation of children from families and dispatched them to abroad

One of the most important factors in family relationship’s stability are “children” that organization used the situation during the Persian Gulf War to send children to abroad. Massoud Jabani, whose three brothers were members of the MEK and were killed in terrorist acts inside the country, said about the fate of children sent abroad by the MEK:
The confusion, depression, frustration, mental and emotional problems caused by the lack of affection of parents, made children destroyed in Europe, many became addicted and criminals due to the lack of attention of the host families affiliated to the MEK.28
Engineer Ali Akbar Rastgoo, who was a former foreign director of MEK in various European countries, described the forced dispatching of children as follows:
The winter of 1991 coincided with the noisy Persian Gulf War … dispatching of nearly 900 children from Iraq by all costs was on the agenda of the organization, but the parents were not at all willing to be separated from their children. So the MEK did it gradually… 29
He continued explaining the condition of keeping children in one of the bases of the MEK in Koln of Germany:
“In each room, 10 to 20 children were placed between the ages of 2 months to 15 years old. They had to be on organizational and ideological training while suffering emotional and spiritual pressure. Children were sent to the streets by force to collect money from people and laboring in the base.” 30
The same story quotes by Nadere Afshari, a former member of the MEK who once worked as a child coach in these bases, and wrote his observations in a book entitled “Love Is Forbidden“:
While the German government pays the cost of keeping and feeding children (as refugees) at a desirable level, these children should be on the ground and seeping close to each other and in the same prison as they were in extreme poverty and lack of facilities. For the morning and evening, playing a tape that was the military marches … to stand in front of the big photographs of Massoud and Maryam, and to sing different hymns such as “the commandment of Massoud” … because these children will be brainwashed and believe in the leadership and prophecy of “Uncle Massoud” until they become older. When they are older, they will be returned to Iraq and become Rajavi’s pure power … Rajavi’s device had planned a strategy to rob the money of the right of children’s asylum … the German government was considering feeding and clothing and the right to housing, payed as an average a thousand Marks for each of them, except the right of insurance. 31

Escaping from Iran and refugee to France

In the beginning of 1981, Massoud Rajavi traveled from the eastern border to Pakistan, where he went to Paris in coordination with the French embassy.
After the trip, Rajavi was first seen in mid-May of 1981. The first meeting of the heads of the MEK and the heads of departments with Rajavi was held in the second half of May 1981, during which “the policy to overthrow the regime” was announced by Rajavi.
It was the same as the changes occurred in France and the United States. In France, the Gaullists went aside and the Socialist Party (Francois Mitterrand) came to power; in America democrats were defeated, and Republicans (Ronald Reagan) took power. The coincidence and coordination of Rajavi’s visit to France, with the open support of the organization from Qasemlou and the Democratic Party of Iran’s Kurdistan, has led one of the scholars to mention Ghasemlou’s role:
The French condition was very intimate when it came to Rajavi’s journey, as the French provided the Mojahedin with a” bulletproof Peugeot “to protect Rajavi. Shortly before the trip, Rajavi and Ghasemlou communicated in the direction of preparation for next alliance.32 Ghasemlou had a deep connection with the people of the French Socialist Party and had a special relationship with Mitterrand and his wife. Mitterrand’s wife is still well known as a person who is sensitive to Kurdish rights. Rajavi – to my opinion – has been linked to the French by Ghasemlou’s connection… 33
After enduring successive and lasting strikes and ultimately reaching an absolute impasse and a definitive defeat in the internal terrorist arena, since the end of summer 1982, the efforts of Rajavi and MEK have been noticed by putting “alternative” in the mind of Western countries, and thus Breaking down all the principles and rules of the past is not only denying but necessary.
An attempt to collusion and deal with Western intelligence services to prove this distortion that the MEK has never been anti-American and those American military men were killed by others. But ultimately, Saddam Hussein and his intelligence and security organization, was the most important base and supporter of the organization, have also provided them with the inhabitance and also gave them military facilities and again provided them with the salaries to obey the commands and collaborations.
Eventually, the French government due to a deal for making free the French hostages in Lebanon, put pressure on Massoud Rajavi and fired him from its land and he went to Iraq.

Massoud-Radjavi_paris_1

Entering to Iraq, the start of military expedition and a great treason

From the very beginning, the Iraqi government knew MKO as its ally. The history of strategic and tactical co-operation, both, was connected in the early 1970s. Therefore, Iraq began its plans to promote the group before the start of the imposed war on Iran. The expression of the past records of the MKO and the broadcasting of the founders’ biographies and some of the organization’s members who had been killed by the Shah’s regime were included in such programs through the Farsi Radio program of Baghdad in the winter of 1979 and in the spring and summer of 1980. With the start of the war between the two countries, the project of exploiting the Mujahedin getting closer.
The Iraqis initially considered that as soon as possible, the MEK would be openly and officially speaking with them on a table. The Iraqi intelligence agency, which had expanded the main trap for the MEK, entered into a new bargaining through familiar intermediaries – including French intelligence officials. The issue was this: now that Iraq is backed by American and European support in the war with Iran, being their allies will not only be detrimental to Rajavi and his group, but the acceptance of the MEK, as an alternative to the Islamic Republic, by Iraq (that is, A well-known government) will open the door to this acceptance by the European allies of Iraq and the Americans. Among the Mojahedin-e Khalq organization’s arguments for accepting such an alliance with Iraq that entered into war with their own people, they said: “If we can – at the highest level – take points from Iraqis, we have been able to raise ourselves as a heavyweight from the beginning. ”
The leadership of the organization, Masoud Rajavi, was convinced that the fate of the Islamic Republic was tied to the outcome of the Iraq war against Iran and with the regard that superpowers did not want Iran to win the war, and therefore the Saddam regime would not eventually be defeated, within the framework of the plan. The United States and its allies for the overthrow of the Islamic Republic were officially and openly came to Iraq side and got its ally. Consequently, Rajavi entered Baghdad on June 07, 1986, following the signing of a treaty in France with Tariq Aziz, Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq, under the pressure of the French government. After entering to Iraq, the military forces of the MEK, which had been deployed gradually in Kurdistan of Iraq since 1982, and other gathered forces inside Iran, Turkey and Pakistan, were organized within the headquarters and conducted a series of operations alongside of the Iranian border line that was with support by the Iraqi army against Iranian forces. Areas such as Sardasht, Dehloran, Marivan, Sarpol Zahab, southern Baneh, highlands of Kermanshah.

  • US State Department report on Saddam’s military cooperation with the MEK

The State Department’s report on the MEK, published in 1994, described Rajavi’s move to Iraq for direct military cooperation with Saddam’s army:
In June 1984, France forced Rajavi to leave the country, according to what the media suspected, with a deal with the Iranian government. According to these reports, Rajavi’s trip was a price paid by France for the release of the French hostages in Lebanon. The Mojahedin-e Khalq organization described the expulsion asthe historical flight of Rajavi for peace and freedom!” The former lawyer of Rajavi, that was an Iranian lawyer residing in France34 , states this move as: “When Rajavi came to France, he and his supporters quickly faced lack of money, and the Iraqi government suggested to support him and they accepted. In the long term, they were turned to the agents of the Iraqi regime and they lost more of their credibility in Iran.
… In order to carry out military operations whose level of threat for Iran is ironically compared with “Mosquitoes”, Mojahedin has advanced a supportive alliance with Iraq under the rule of Saddam Hussein, the Mojahedin’s National Liberation Army of Mojahedin, in terms of money, arms, the base was dependent to Saddam, became a tool in the war between Iraq and Iran.35

  • Establishment of the National Liberation Army

On June 19, 1987, a year after the organization was fully deployed in Iraq, Rajavi’s message was published on the eve of June 20 announcing the establishment of the National Liberation Army 36. Later, the June 20, became the date for the establishment of the army of the MEK and by linking it to the beginning of the organization’s open armed rebellion in the year 1981, emphasized that a serious strategy was being developed in the same strategy of June of 1960.
Two weeks after the formation of the organization’s army, the news of another meeting between Massoud Rajavi and Saddam Hussein was published, during which the President of Iraq congratulated Massoud Rajavi on establishing the army and calling it “the army fighting for peace”!37
After the official announcement of the full participation of the MEK in Iraq since 1986, which was made public at the meeting of Tariq Aziz, the deputy prime minister of Iraq with Massoud Rajavi in January 1983, and the information and military relations with Iraq got official, the highest level The service may have been provided by the organization to the Iraqi Army in continuing to persevere against Iran have been done. Massoud Jabani, a former member of the MEK who was severely injured in the military operation inside Iraq, writes about the type of relations between the MEK and Iraq:
The Iraqi state provided land and logistics and military equipment, and the cost of the Mojahedin Liberation Army, and the Mojahedin, on the other hand, provided the intelligence of fronts and the Iranian military movements and eavesdropping of the Iranian army wireless sets and transfer the information to the Iraqi government… It was Iraq that had completely took the MEK under control. 38
Mohammad Hussein Sobhani, a former intelligence and security officer of the MEK, writes about how Iraq and the organization are coordinating information:
… The Iraqi intelligence (= Military Intelligence Organization) through Mehdi Abrishamchi provided information on identifying the location of bridges, water utilities, factories, and Iranian economic and military centers. Massoud Rajavi, and then the organization’s leadership referred the intelligence needs of the Iraqi intelligence to the intelligence headquarters of the MEK. The intelligence office also provided responses after informational work on the questions. 39
Mehdi Khoshhal, a former member of the MEK, cites documents and evidences of the cooperation of the organization and Iraq in Europe:
The MEK did not just provide Iraqis with easy access to their country’s intelligence information, but their leader for flattery with the Iraqi intelligence officers not only denied being Iranian, but also explicitly described his country as Iraqi and calls his blood Iraqi. 40

Massoud-Radjavi_SaddamHussein_1

The role of Rajavi's cult in suppressing Iraqi Kurds

In documents released after the fall of Saddam Hussein, in conversations between Massoud Rajavi and Lieutenant General Abdul Saber al-Duri, Chief of the Telecommunication (inteligence and Security), Iraq reveals the complete material and logistical affiliation of the Rajavi group with the Saddam regime, as Saddam uses them as a tool for achieving his goals. In one of these documents, Lieutenant General Saber al-Duri acknowledged that 400 tanks, armored vehicles and all armored tools had been provided to the MEK, and again Massoud Rajavi had requested more weapons in his demands. In the same statement, published in the book “For Judgment of History,” Saber al-Duri refers to Rajavi’s and his group’s supposed role in suppressing the Iraqi Shiites and Kurds after the First Gulf War in 1990-1991. This role was also highlighted by US diplomatic officials (in the State Department’s report to the Congress); however, its organization and political coverage, the National Council of Resistance, in its statements as well as in the book published as a response to that report, denied the whole story. At the beginning of this conversation, Saber al-Duri expressed the following statement about the role of Rajavi’s group in suppressing the Iraqi Kurds: “President (Saddam Hussein) conveyed his warm welcome to you and excused that he is not able to meet you. The president thanked the brother of Massoud and the Liberation Army and appreciated the valuable role that the army had done in suppressing the riots of the past. I told him about the details and role of the organization in this repression operation; we took the moment to inform you about your actions. “Ironically, Massoud Rajavi, after talking to Saber al-Duri, introduced this task and said that: “At the outset, I would like to emphatically emphasize one issue. The kind words of the president, and you also make me more embarrassed … we did nothing but fulfill our duty, and the president did not need to give me a thank-you letter. 41
In the negotiations that took place between Massoud Rajavi and Lieutenant General Taher Jalil Habbosh, commanders and officials of the Iraqi Security and Intelligence Organization, in the last months of 2000, Habbosh had explicitly called for the shutting down of the MKO assassination and blasting due to the conditions of the region, and the dissatisfaction of the Iraqi people with the MKO. The talks also called for the allocation of two billion dinars by the Ba’ath regime to Rajavi’s group, the money which approved and monitored by the United Nations that should be spent on the health and nutrition of children which was as part of the UN-mandated budget. 42

The role of the Massoud in the bloody invasion in Mecca

During the Hajj’s celebration in 1987, a bloody invasion took place in the demonstrations of the Iranian pilgrims, which led to the martyrdom of hundreds. At that time, the government of Saudi Arabia blamed the catastrophe for the Islamic Republic. In addition to the Saudi regime, the Islamic Republic also introduced the agents of Iraq and the Mojahedin as the responsible of the incident. According to one of the former members of the MEK, Rajavi, using the opportunity of the Hajj, did a predetermined plan and, in cooperation with the Iraqi government, for their specific goals turned a calm demonstration of the pilgrims of Iran to a bloody one43 . Sobhani, another former member of the MEK, published Rajavi’s photos in his book and wrote:

Massoud Rajavi in Mecca Al Haram, Saudi Arabia
Massoud Rajavi in Mecca Al Haram, Saudi Arabia

The above image relates to the visit of Massoud Rajavi of Saudi Arabia during the riots of Mecca in 1987. This photo was first published on March 7, 1998 in the Mojahed magazine, and the Mojahedin Organization after 13 years stated that he went to Mecca for pilgrimage in 1987. There is no question why this news and pictures have been kept hidden for 13 years?44
In the year 1987, the Saudi government was approaching Iran and was willing to resolve many of the problems and differences between them and improve its relations with Iran. The proximity of Saudi Arabia to the Islamic Republic of Iran, while the Iraqi imposed war against Iran that reached its peak, was both terrible for both Saddam and Rajavi, since both needed Saudi aid, and this aid was possible to make that regime, be as far as they can with the Islamic Republic. Hence, they must develop the contradictions between them in order to prevent the proximity of the two countries.
Provision of basic facilities and preparations for plotting was carried out by Iraqi agents under cover of diplomatic immunity. They brought explosives and Imam’s images to Jeddah airport without inspection and control. The members of the organization entered Iraqi territory, with Iraqi passports, as Iraqi pilgrims. After arriving in Arabia, they easily put themselves among Iranians due to call their movements as Iranians.
Following the return of the caravan from Saudi Arabia, a number of these people – over time – became “problematic” and their separation from the organization increased. By stipulating a detached member, the organization due to preventing the publishing the news outside of the organization, assassinate the problematic members one by one.45
The testimonies and statements of some of the separated of the organization in Europe about the role of the organization in the killing of Iranian pilgrims in the year 1987, March, 1995 and spring 1992, were widely reflected in Persian language publications abroad, and then alternately in the interview their writings and references are referred to. This has also been revealed in video footage of the talks between the organization’s interface and Iraqi intelligence officials. In part of the talks announced by Abbas Davari, the organization’s representative at a meeting with the Iraqi security officers who came after the fall of Saddam Hussein has stated the presence of the organization’s members in Hajj.

The Last Situation

The Economist wrote in early 2009 that since the occupation of Iraq’s territory by American forces in 2003, no detailed information was available on the status of Massoud Rajavi, and nobody knows whether he is alive or dead. Since then, no evidence has been published about his presence in public places. Since the last time he was publicly seen, in 2002, when US coalition forces attacked Saddam Hussein’s government in Iraq, rumors of his death were reported during the 2002 invasion of Iraq, that there is no evidence or witness. Also, in 2016, during the annual meeting of the Mojahedin in France, Torki al-Faisal referred to him as “the late.” Some of the detached members believe that the ambiguity in the presence or absence of Massoud Rajavi is to escape from the questions and ambiguities that have been forming for the members of this organization for many years, and in response to it, they have only made Massoud Rajavi as a saint person, that they have no right to criticize or questioning him and they are the only members that should be responsible.

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